German Chancellor Friedrich Merz's meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump on March 3 in Washington partially turned into a criticism of Spain's government for security decisions.
This occurred after Madrid banned the U.S. from using Morón Air Base and Naval Station Rota for operations against iran. For this, Spain was called a terrible partner by Trump, stating that no one can prohibit the U.S. from using their facilities for their purposes.
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The U.S. president also stated he would sever all, but evidently trade, relations with Spain, as such an order was given to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Regarding these bases, Morón Air Base was built by U.S. forces in 1953 and was mostly used for basing aerial tankers. It played a significant role precisely in this function, and at times as a B-52 strategic bomber basing location, during all recent U.S. wars: Operation Desert Storm, the war against Yugoslavia, the Afghanistan war, the Second Iraq War, and during operations against Libya.
At the same time, the base itself is not U.S. property. Though the 496th Air Base Squadron is deployed there, responsible for receiving and servicing American aircraft. Their presence is enshrined in a 2015 government agreement allowing deployment of up to 40 aircraft and 3,000 military personnel.
Overall, Morón Air Base is primarily the deployment location of the Spanish fighter wing Ala 11 on Eurofighter Typhoon and a Spanish Air Force base.
A very similar situation exists with Naval Station Rota, which has also been in U.S. armed forces operation since 1953. During the Cold War, it became a forward U.S. Navy base with nuclear ballistic missile submarines deployment as well as an airbase for patrol aircraft. Now it serves as a military transport aviation base and Navy support base.
At the same time, it is also not U.S. property, though they maintain its infrastructure. However, the Spanish Navy actively uses Rota, as fleet headquarters, the Spanish aircraft carrier Juan Carlos I, and a group of Santa María-class frigates are stationed there.
At the same time, Friedrich Merz joined the criticism, but because the Spanish government does not fulfill its defense spending requirements. Recall that in 2024 Spain spent the smallest percentage of GDP on defense 1.28%. In 2025, NATO officially announced that all countries met the 2% commitment, including Spain.
But then it was announced that the goal is now 5%. However, Madrid directly stated that NATO's announced 5% commitment means nothing at all and is merely a political declaration, not a real obligation.
Thus Spain's actions, and most importantly reactions to them, genuinely represent a certain test for NATO. If the U.S. itself tests it with statements about exiting the European security system, Spain does so precisely with such a demonstrative act.
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